Singapore was once known as a prosperous and strict city-state. Today, it is a dazzling international destination. It has hosted Taylor Swift concerts and nighttime Formula One races. And it is substantially richer, per capita, than the United States.
That transformation occurred during the government of Lee Hsien Loong, the Southeast Asian country’s third prime minister. He made Singapore even more prosperous by largely following the semi-authoritarian, free-market model pioneered by his father, Lee Kuan Yew, the country’s first leader.
On Wednesday, Singapore will have a new leader for the first time in almost 20 years. Lee, 72, will hand over to his deputy, Lawrence Wong, 51. His People’s Action Party has ruled Singapore continuously for more than six decades and achieved astonishing successes. But there are concerns that the vaunted “Singapore model” is failing more and more people.
Singapore is one of the most expensive cities in the world, but it does not have a minimum wage. House prices have soared and many Singaporeans say social mobility has dropped sharply. Others complain that free speech is still tightly controlled, although less than before. Tensions are exacerbated by the need for foreign workers; About 40 per cent of Singapore’s nearly six million people are non-citizens.
Compared to his famously strict father, Lee showed flexibility and responsiveness to public demands, but the PAP’s popularity took a significant hit during his tenure. However, for now he remains firmly entrenched in power.
Wong has tried to project an image of an everyman: He grew up in public housing, did not attend the same elite schools as his predecessors, and loves to play the guitar. Lee will remain as “chief minister,” as his father did after resigning in 1990. Lee has said his children are not interested in entering politics.
Earlier this month, Lee delivered his last major address to the nation at an icon of the new Singapore, the Marina Bay Sands casino resort.
“When I was sworn in as Prime Minister, I promised to build a more inclusive Singapore – one where not every man for himself, but everyone working together to make things better for all of us,” he said.
A few hours later, a scene unfolded nearby that would have been unimaginable a few decades earlier. Hundreds of people had gathered for a rally at Speakers’ Corner, the only place in the city-state where Singaporeans can protest without a permit. They included delivery drivers, bus drivers and health care workers, and many wore fluorescent yellow safety vests, evoking a French anti-government movement.
Addressing the crowd, Kokila Annamalai, an activist, said the PAP-led government had created systems that “have always protected the rich, not the working class.” Singapore, she added, is “a playground for the rich, while the poor are crammed into small rental flats.”
The PAP is one of the most dominant political parties in the world. Its ministers receive high salaries, which the party says prevents corruption. It transformed Singapore from a backwater swamp to a first-world nation and a key cog in global maritime trade. The gross domestic product is about $83,000 per capita, compared to about $76,000 in the United States. The city-state, a major financial center, skillfully managed the coronavirus pandemic and rising tensions between the United States and China.
But discontent has been growing. In the 2020 election, the PAP’s share of the popular vote hit a new low of 61 per cent, with the opposition winning a record 10 seats in Parliament, out of the 93 that were up for grabs.
Choo Yi Hung, 30, never voted for Mr. Lee’s party. Two years after graduating from college with a degree in English language and linguistics, he delivers food and tutors students, earning about $2,400 a month. He still lives with his parents; He would like to have his own apartment, but that is out of his reach. He cannot buy a public housing apartment from the government until he gets married or turns 35. Not that he can afford it.
Choo contrasts her situation with that of her grandmother, who raised five children in the 1960s as an uneducated widow. His descendants now live lifestyles he described as “comfortably middle class,” and some own condominiums and cars.
“I guess a lot of people will say, ‘Yeah, you grew up in a more developed country, a richer country,’” Choo said. “But I would say that the opportunities for social mobility are much lower.”
Lee once said that a two-party political system was “not viable” in Singapore. But in 2020, he formally established the position of opposition leader in Parliament and made concessions that allowed the opposition bloc to control 12 seats, more than the 10 he had won.
“I knew that if I wanted to maintain the PAP’s dominance – which I think it has largely done – I had to manage the pace of change,” said Eugene Tan, associate professor of law at Singapore Management University.
On the social front, perhaps the most radical change Lee made was repealing a colonial-era law that prohibited consensual sexual relations between men.
“At least there is a sense that ‘we can do this now’ and that ultimately we are no longer criminals,” said Leow Yangfa, executive director of Oogachaga, an LGBTQ rights group.
But Lee also attempted to solidify the definition of marriage as a heterosexual concept. Public debate on race and religion remains tightly controlled and human rights groups say the government remains combative toward its critics. In 2021, the Singapore High Court ordered a blogger to pay Mr Lee about $100,000 for defamation. (The New York Times Company apologized and paid fines in 2010 and in the mid-1990s to settle defamation lawsuits brought by Singapore officials over op-eds.)
Critics say the government has weaponized a law it says was designed to combat fake news.
“You never know when or what you’re going to say is going to run afoul of the authorities,” said Joel Tan, playwright and podcaster.
In a statement, the Singapore government said it had increased engagement with the public. He also expounded his philosophy on freedom of expression.
“Freedom of expression is an important part of Singapore’s constitution, but it does not confer on Singaporeans an unconditional right,” the statement said. “In situations where it affects the safety of people in Singapore, and the peace and harmony that Singapore enjoys, the government intervenes and will intervene.”
For some, Wong’s appointment is encouraging.
“We no longer have a Lee, but we also have a non-traditional type of leader,” said Sudhir Thomas Vadaketh, editor-in-chief of Jom, an independent online magazine about Singapore. “I like that”.
In recent years, Lee has had to deal with a public dispute with his brothers and a series of scandals within the PAP that tarnished the squeaky-clean image the party projects. But he leaves office as a popular leader.
Zoe Tan recalled seeing Mr Lee mingling with residents of Teck Ghee, a district in northern Singapore. “He walks around the market and is very humble,” Ms Tan said. “He will take pictures with us.”
On two separate occasions, Tan said, he emailed the prime minister to ask for a grace period for housing payments. On both occasions, her office quickly made arrangements to help her.
“I am very sad that Lee Hsien Loong is retiring, I thought he was going to go on forever,” said Ms Tan, who now works for the Singapore Community Development Council.
In his speech at Marina Bay Sands, Lee suggested that political change could threaten Singapore’s prosperity.
“The system doesn’t have to fail completely for Singapore to get into trouble,” he said. “If our policy becomes like that of other countries, we will end up worse than other countries.”